Closer to home ...
The poll shows the president leading in Harris County with the support of 46 percent of surveyed voters, compared to Romney’s 42 percent. Libertarian Gary Johnson cracked the survey with 2 percent.
In the U.S. Senate race, Democrat Paul Sadler’s 44 percent leads Republican Ted Cruz with 42 percent in Harris County. With a 3.5 percent margin of error, that’s a statistical dead heat in the largest county in Texas.
Republican crossover voters are helping push Democratic Sheriff Adrian Garcia to 51 percent in this survey, compared to Republican challenger Louis Guthrie’s 32 percent. Another 13 percent were undecided.
On the other hand, many Democrats told pollsters they’re voting for Republican district attorney candidate Mike Anderson, who’s polling at 41 percent. Nonetheless, Democrat Lloyd Oliver is close behind with 35 percent. Another 19 percent are undecided. That number is especially striking because Democratic Party leaders were so embarrassed by Oliver’s candidacy they tried to remove him from the ballot.
Ali Davari, who with his brother Hassan Davari owns a handful of prominent local strip clubs, including Treasures, Gold Cup and Trophy Club, gave $25,000 to the deputies union political action committee on Oct. 15. It was the only contribution the organization received during the time period covered by the report, which was filed Thursday. The union donated the same amount, in its only listed expenditure, to Republican Louis Guthrie's campaign a week later, earmarking it for political advertising.
Guthrie reports receiving a $25,000 check from the union on Oct. 9; Guthrie's campaign manager Sara Kinney said the campaign listed that date because that was the date on the check. HCDO Vice President Eric Batton could not explain the discrepancy in the dates.
As much as I hope the swing votes are enough to save the county from embarrassments like Guthrie and Oliver, I stand by my conclusion that all other datapoints are merely indicative of a swing county in the midst of a battle over who finishes on the plus side of what I expect to be a plurality vote at the Presidential level.
People still write letters to the Chronicle editors ...
Regarding "Time to cast a ballot" (Page B7, Monday), law enforcement should be competent, never partisan. To protect the safety of our community, please vote for Democrat Adrian Garcia for Harris County sheriff and Republican Mike Anderson for district attorney.
Both are respected professionals who can manage others to a high standard. I respect parties, but crime is a basic violation of civil rights and criminals do not discriminate based on party affiliation. When you call 911 you want a qualified responder; victims and jurors want an effective and fair prosecutor.
Democrats, join me in voting for Mike Anderson for DA. Republicans, keep our strong and honest sheriff, Sheriff Adrian Garcia, in office.
Bill White, former mayor of Houston
I can't say that I disagree with him on this score. I held my nose and voted for Anderson. I left a handful of judicial ballots blank. Oh, and I voted for this guy earlier in the AM ...
The line at Bayland Park was wrapped around the front of the building 10 minutes prior to opening and I was done with my random act of democracy by 8:15. Pick your own spot to vote early if you feel similarly inclined.
Among the tougher choices on the ballot for me was one that's usually pretty easy: President. Yes, I voted for Obama again. But there was a temptation to leave the spot blank this time around. Obama wasn't my choice and I can't say I'm won over by his style of leadership. It'd be a cheap and easy free shot to make some minor form of a statement by doing such a thing. Texas, after all, is not in play. But one over-riding issue convinces me that it's worth sticking with my own traditions and principles by voting for him regardless. And that's the fact that I fully support Obama to be the one appointing judges for the next four years as opposed to just about any Republican.
As far as bonds and referendums go, I voted for the city charter fixes, the parks bond, and the library bond. For everything else, I'm willing to consider second offers.
Long time no blog. I've pretty much got the remainder of primary contests mapped out that I'm interested in seeing. But I do need to relocate a moment of free time to get everything uploaded and web-ready. Some of the larger fields of candidates made for some interesting research and I'm not sure they tell an easy story in one map. So those will probably get a side-by-side treatment. And by the time I'm done with all of that, I'll be able to go through the runoff elections. I don't know what your hobbies are, but surely they can't be this much fun. Right?
Anyway, the reason I wanted to post this one from the last batch of primaries was simply because I found it to be the most interesting of all the GOP Primary maps. The final results of this contest weren't really all that close:
Robert Talton: 64.6%
Leslie Johnson: 35.4%
What the map below demonstrates, to me, is that Talton essentially ran the table outside of the River Oaks-Memorial region. Or, as I'll call it, "Establishment Row" for GOP voters. You'd expect to see Talton do well in the southeastern area of the county since his old State Rep district covered Pasadena and surrounding areas. Johnson, as far as I can tell, seemed to have evident support inside the Loop. I don't know enough about how this campaign played out to suggest that it was a true case of Insider vs Outsider or Establishment vs Tea Party style choice. Talton certainly has his social conservativism ducks in a row, but he's also been thought of as a bit too friendly to trial attorneys for most GOP tastes.
Whatever the case may be, the contours definitely show up for something vaguely resembling the social vs business conservative breakdown. It'll be interesting to see how closely this map resembles the runoff map for the US Senate seat. Till that gets posted, feel free to click, poke, and explore. Oh, and download if you're into that sorta thing.
ADD-ON: Also, I tweaked the color-coding to make the different reds a bit easier to sort out visually. In this case, the dark red is Talton, the light red is Johnson, and white means there were no votes cast.
ADD-ON 2.0: Grrr. One point of clarification that eluded me while posting this: the map indicates where Talton won over 60% of the vote, not simply where he won. A won/loss map was more of a wipeout for Talton. So the outline here for "establishment" support for Johnson should be viewed relative to areas where she performed under 40%. In short: the outline is still interesting. But the nature of the contest was certainly a lot more muted in terms of how much of any "establishment" vs "non-establishment" differences existed between candidates. This is what I get for leaving maps on Google Earth for several days without blogging about them.
Here's a muddled picture since all three candidates came out of the first round with a decent-to-good showing.
Lissa Squiers - 39.9%
James Cargas - 33.8%
Phillip Andrews - 26.3%
I went with color-coding for the ultimate winner again, so the coding is: dark blue = Cargas; light blue = Squiers; purple = Andrews.
There weren't many areas where Squiers was winning a majority in this map, so the ocean of aqua blue is a bit misleading here. Had I been interpreting this in realtime, I think it's safe to say she was getting her benefit of being the only female in the race at this point. Viewed in isolation, that might make a runoff either a tossup or a slight advantage for the female candidate. But with Squiers running a shoestring campaign and Cargas loosening the purse-strings for a little mail in the runoff, that calculus didn't quite hold up in July.
Here's one of the more muddled Primary contests I'll be mapping out - the six-way election for Constable, Precinct 1. This would go to a runoff between Alan Rosen and Cindy Vara-Leija, but the first round settled out as follows:
Alan Rosen - 28.0%
Cindy Vara-Leija - 23.8%
Grady Castleberry - 21.8%
Quincy Whitaker - 19.7%
Jaime Tellez, Jr. - 3.7%
Richard Talamantez - 3.1%
The map below is coded as follows: dark blue = Rosen; light blue = Vara-Leija; purple = anyone else. That purple basically broke down to Castleberry and Whitaker splitting much of the African-American vote in Acres Homes, Independence Heights, and the Fifth Ward.
All told, the breakdown is a pretty good overview of the district's demographics. What jumped out to me from this view is Rosen's showing in the Anglo Dem dogleg from the Heights to Meyerland. Rosen did exceptionally well in Montrose, pushing close to 70% of the vote there. Ditto for much of Rosen's home base of Bellaire. But in the River Oaks - to - West U area, Rosen only got anywhere from a near-majority to a bare majority. That left a lot of room for improvement in the runoff and I think it would be clear where those votes would go regardless of who was in a runoff. That might account for the overwhelming showing that he'd see in the runoff.
One of the more pleasant outcomes to watch outside of my own HD137, Borris Miles fended off two-time previous incumbent, Al Edwards, 57.6% to 42.4%. One tidbit that gives some of us hope that this will be the last go-round for Al Edwards: this was the first of the four matchups where Borris Miles has won the Sunnyside half of the district. In fact, the areas where Edwards did best this time, were the newer precincts to the far west.
On the whole, the scope of Borris' win is pretty broad. Edwards didn't have a lot of help from his previous enablers, so his campaign was on far more of a shoestring. I've got to think that if he still sees a State Representative in the mirror, it seems likelier that his former constituents don't.
Color-coding is: dark blue = Miles; light blue = Edwards.
Here's another modest surprise - a three-way contest that didn't need a runoff to decide the nominee. And, as was the case with HD144, it was a female candidate who ended up winning.
Traci Jensen - 51.5%
Patty Quintana-Nilsson - 29.7%
David Scott - 18.8%
This was a district that Obama only won 40.8% of the vote in, so it's not the most significant in terms of viability or changing the culture (or, for that matter, existence) of the State Board of Education. But since it's an open race in a Presidential year, there's hope that we'll see some improvement on the Dem baseline in this district. There wasn't a lot of communication in this contest, but what there was, it was all Jensen that I saw. A pretty good example of how to shut out the rest of the pack in an otherwise low-information contest.
Color-coding is: dark blue = Jensen; light blue = Scott; purple = Quintana-Nilsson. Not sure why I coded Scott and Q-Nilsson opposite, but I'll live with the break in pattern.
Another big, important contest here to review. Obviously, the US Senate contest would need a runoff to decide on the winner, the outcome in May was enough of a two-person race to see some patterns at this point. The final outcome in May, just to refresh, was as follows:
David Dewhurst - 45.9%
Ted Cruz - 43.6%
Tom Leppert - 5.8%
Everyone Else - 4.7%
I basically broke the precinct returns into Dewhurst, Cruz, and Other. The only identifiable blip for where "Other" broke 15% was in Pct 529 in Tomball. That was due to a highly localized boomlet of Glenn Addison voters showing up to the tune of 7.1% there. That compares to his 1.1% showing countywide. I'd love to hear that precinct's story. But even there, Dewhurst pulled 47% to Cruz's 38%.
UPDATE: After a little bit of poking around other Tomball precincts, I notice that three others gave Addison a bigger-than-normal share: 127, 726, and 1036. The results were enough in those four boxes to give Addison 7.4% of the vote in Tomball. Addison was a trustee for the Magnolia School Board before resigning to run. Who knows ... maybe that good of a showing in his home turf will translate to some other future run for office.
In the case of this map, I opted to color-code it by the winner of the ultimate victory - Cruz - rather than the candidate that led the pack in May - Dewhurst. So dark-red = Cruz; light-red = Dewhurst
I think the most interesting map to compare this to is the Chang/Detamore map for County Court 2. In both cases, the establishment candidates win a good share of everything from River Oaks to the westside/Memorial and even more of the southwest area. Dewhurst appears to have polled better in the Kingwood/Clear Lake areas. A neighborhood-by-neighborhood analysis might be instructive here, so I'll put it somewhere on my to-do list. In particular, I think it would be interesting to see how both the overall map and the 'hood number-crunching look in this race compared to the final Runoff outcome.
Feel free to poke and prod this map and let me know of any further analysis that you think might be warranted here.
Last one for today. District races should be next. I'll have to do some creative coding to show the Constable Precinct 1 race in a meaningful way.
This contest seems to have been under-emphasized based on the closeness of the outcome and some of the issues aired out by Republican bloggers. But in case you missed it, Party Chairman Jared Woodfill almost lost. The final outcome was 52.6% Woodfill to 47.4% Paul Simpson.
And yet, unlike the County Court 2 outcome, the geographical pattern here is more of a scatter plot diagram. Woodfill certainly seemed to struggle a bit in the River Oaks/Anglo Dem corridor, but split a lot of turf in the westside/Memorial precincts. On the whole, it just looks like it would have been a challenge to have a good feel for the outcome. If it were a more important contest, I'd probably want to pick about 20 or so neighborhoods, grab 3-5 big precincts from each, and see what those results may show in terms of relative strength around the county. But this was still a fairly low-profile race that didn't seem to revolve around Establishment/anti-Establishment issues and I'm not sure I'd equate Simpson as being a challenger from the mythical "Tea Party" wing of the GOP. There were personal issues, to be sure. And Woodchip's background as a trial attorney usually comes up in some negative contexts when he's not looking good. But those don't often translate into clear geographic divides.
Anyways, poke and prod the map to your heart's content. Again: dark-red = Woodfill; light-red = Simpson; white = no votes.
In stark contrast to the first GOP map, this one was the closest countywide result, with Donna Detamore defeating appointed County Court judge Theresa Chang, 50.1% to 49.9% ... or, 735 votes out of 123,941 total votes cast. Close enough to call it one per precinct (at least, among precincts with voters).
It's generally interesting to see how GOP Primaries break down by how the Establishment Row of westside, River Oaks, and other areas generally within the Anglo Dem region stretching from the Heights to Meyerland. Chang performed well there, even adding a decent showing in the southwest and Alief areas where Asian GOP voters could be counted on to support her. Outside of that, however, it looks like strong areas were hard to come by, as Detamore performed well in Clear Lake, much of the Baytown/Highlands area ... and she pretty much ran the gamut of disparate W/NW areas like Champions Forest, Spring, Tomball, Cypress, and Katy.
On the surface, it looks a bit similar (albeit, much closer) to Steve Kirkland's challenge: voters outside of Houston city limits may not be moved on the same basis as those within. That could be a function of personal networks or other communication channels. But the outline here is clear in terms of demonstrating where any Establishment vs non/less-Establishment campaign may break down in GOP circles. It may be interesting to see how the Medina/Devine Supreme Court contest compares to this one.
As is the pattern: dark-red = Detamore; light-red = Chang; white = no votes.